IF YOU CAN'T BEAT 'EM IN COURT, BEAT 'EM WHERE YOU CAN

Posted by: Steve Belasco
Published on April 10th, 2010 @ 01:54:32 pm , using 1573 words
Category: Commentary

One product of the War on Poverty was the National Legal Services Corporation, a quasi-governmental agency charged with the distribution of funds to local legal aid programs. It was a monumental step toward leveling the legal playing field and made it possible to staff legal aid offices adequately. The provision of legal aid to those without means had long been a tradition in many places but all too frequently it had been haphazard, limited in scope and short on resources. A serious legal fight requires money, human resources and staying power. Funds channeled through the NLSC to local programs were intended to furnish that wherewithal.

Programs sprung up across the nation and their efforts soon bore fruit. Powerful forces suddenly found serious adversaries meeting them on ground they had owned outright. They didn’t like it. Rules that were patently unjust were struck down. Agencies that had long neglected those whom they were charged to protect found themselves forced to do their job. The technicalities were no longer all leaning one way. In many places, in small cases and large ones the sauce was a little more evenly split between the goose and the gander.

Perhaps as a result but certainly concomitantly laws schools began to institute so-called clinical programs. As a student at UCLA”s Law School in the early Seventies I benefitted hugely from its clinical programs mentored by two professors, Paul Boland – later a distinguished jurist, and another equally happy man whose name I forget. As certified law students we were able to appear in court under the hands-off supervision of a lawyer. We interviewed, we investigated, we represented in court and we learned in the way many people only learn: by doing. Our clientele were the poor and, as the odds dictated in the world we lived in, black. And what we learned had as much to do with trying to see through the eyes of another, eyes with a very different view, as it did with feeling the inherent clumsiness of the law.

Justice is blind. It is blind to much that it should see. But the more you see, the harder it is to make decisions and the work of the courts is to make decisions. This is why so much of the law is devoted to narrowing what can be considered. And this is why matters that anyone would consider in making any one of the countless decisions we make in life are all too often not up for consideration in court. In some ways what I learned in clinical programs was how to try and expand the visual field of the law. I am not faulting courts for this. Courts are institutions and all institutions require formats for accomplishing their work. It is a drawback of institutions always to be balanced against the advantages they offer. And it is universally applicable to private and public institutions alike. Large organizations are neither nimble nor particularly responsive.

Say what you may about the law – and there is much to say – it is a testament to its power that forces that had long enjoyed the virtually exclusive prerogative to shape and utilize it found the very existence of an adversary too much to tolerate. They reacted predictably moving swiftly after the election of Ronald Reagan to hobble and gradually defund the effort to ensure equality before the law.

But clinical programs lingered. They had proven themselves to be an effective teaching technique. That, as Adam B. spells out in the following, they should now find themselves facing the same pressures that blunted legal services is an opportunity for universities to step up. Surely in the centers of legal training it must be appreciated that in a system premised on an adversarial search for truth the absence of an adversary leaves the whole ship rudderless.

There's an old lawyer story.  One lawyer moves into town, sets up his office and barely ekes out a living.  Another moves into town and they both get rich.  Neither legal services attorneys nor certainly law students working at clinics are going to get rich.  But if we keep them around tilting at the powerful and sometimes at windmills the country will surely be enriched.

Legal Aid Clinics Under Attack

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Tue Apr 06, 2010 at 07:28:29 PM PDT

While it was professors like Lawrence Lessig, Cass Sunstein, David Strauss, Albert Alschuler and, okayBarack Obama who taught me about the law at The University of Chicago Law School, it was at the Edwin F. Mandel Legal Aid Clinic at the Law School where I first learned how to be a lawyer.
I spent the summer after my first year and two subsequent years as a student attorney at the Clinic's Anti-Poverty Project under Prof. Gary Palm, an old-school liberal firebrand and true mentor.  Our task was to help women either on welfare or just-off-welfare secure child support payments from the fathers of their children, and my tasks ranged from client intake and basic discovery to appearing before Cook County judges on their behalves to working on systemic reform issues to helping draft a pair of briefs before the United States Supreme Court (one cert petition, plus an amicus in this case).   All in law school, as part of an aggressive, tiny law office.
It was in that crucible that I learned how to listen to clients.  It was there that I was pushed to write like a forceful advocate, and not like an on-the-one-hand-but-on-the-other academic.  It was there that I learned a method for planning out a case that I still use to this day, and where I first learned how to argue against the establishment -- in that case, a Cook County DA's Office which failed to treat these women as a priority, and an Illinois Department of Public Aid which needlessly withheld funds from them.
News like this, then, I take personally:
ANNAPOLIS, Md. — Law school students nationwide are facing growing attacks in the courts and legislatures as legal clinics at the schools increasingly take on powerful interests that few other nonprofit groups have the resources to challenge.
On Friday, lawmakers here debated a measure to cut money for the University of Maryland’s law clinic if it does not provide details to the legislature about its clients, finances and cases.
The measure, which is likely to be sent to the governor this week, comes in response to a suit filed in March by students accusing one of the state’s largest employers, Perdue, of environmental violations — the first effort in the state to hold a poultry company accountable for the environmental impact of its chicken suppliers.
Law clinics at other universities — from New Jersey to Michigan to Louisiana — are facing similar challenges. And legal experts say the attacks jeopardize the work of the clinics, which not only train students with hands-on courtroom experience at more than 200 law schools but also have taken on more cases against companies and government agencies in recent years.
“We’re seeing a very strong pushback from deep-pocket interests, and that pushback is creating a chilling effect on many clinics,” said Robert R. Kuehn, a law professor at Washington University in St. Louis, citing a recent survey he conducted that found that more than a third of faculty members at legal clinics expressed fears about university or state reaction to their casework and that a sixth said they had turned down unpopular clients because of these concerns.
.... In Louisiana, the Legislature is considering a bill forbidding law students at clinics that receive any public money from suing government agencies, companies or individuals for damages unless exempted by the Legislature. It is a response to a suit brought by the Tulane Law School clinic on behalf of an environmental group against federal and state environmental regulators, seeking greater enforcement of air quality standards in the Baton Rouge area.
Let's get this straight: these legislatures enacted laws which allow private citizens a right of action to serve as citizen-prosecutors to enforce regulatory requirements, including environmental laws.  These lawsuits aren't frivolous.  Under pressure, legislators don't want to void these popular laws altogether -- they just want to harass and pressure the student-attorneys (and their professors) which are employing these laws on behalf of the powerless against the establishment.
One of my favorite First Amendment opinions - and it's a somewhat obscure one -- is Justice Brennan's plurality opinion in Board of Education v. Pico (1982).  It stands for the proposition that while a school has great freedom in choosing what books to add to its library, once it starts removing books it better not be doing so on the basis that it disagreed with the ideas contained within them.
The same principle holds here: legislatures don't have to fund law schools or legal aid clinics at all.  That's their choice.  But once they do so, to threaten to withhold funding on the basis of politically controversial work being done is truly repellent.  This is valuable skills training for law students, performing necessary legal work on behalf of otherwise unrepresented clients in fulfilling the legislature's intent in passing these remedial laws.
Here's my advice to Perdue, being faced with lawsuits it doesn't like: stop breaking the law, and it will all go away.  Don't blame law students for representing their clients zealously -- it's their job.
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1 comment

Comment from: Bill Pearlman [Member] Email
Appreciate your overview here, derived from experience.
Gracias...Let us hope reason will have a say in the continuance of the clinics.
04/10/10 @ 15:57

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